
What's next in Trump's battle with the courts
Clip: 4/18/2025 | 13m 39sVideo has Closed Captions
What's next in Trump's battle with the courts
President Trump believes that the executive branch is first among equals, continuing his conflict with the judicial branch. The panel discusses his steps to exert power and influence.
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Major funding for “Washington Week with The Atlantic” is provided by Consumer Cellular, Otsuka, Kaiser Permanente, the Yuen Foundation, and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

What's next in Trump's battle with the courts
Clip: 4/18/2025 | 13m 39sVideo has Closed Captions
President Trump believes that the executive branch is first among equals, continuing his conflict with the judicial branch. The panel discusses his steps to exert power and influence.
Problems with Closed Captions? Closed Captioning Feedback
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Learn Moreabout PBS online sponsorshipJEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Let me -- well, speaking# of authoritarianism, good transition,## a good all-purpose transition, let me talk# about another Republican, this time a judge,## J. Harvie Wilkinson of the Fourth Circuit Court of# Appeals, obviously not an active Republican now,## but appointed by Ronald Reagan, a well-known# conservative jurist.
This is part of what he## wrote in his order and his decision upholding# the lower court decision on the Abrego Garcia## issue.
The government is asserting a right# to stash away residents of this country in## foreign prisons without the semblance of# due process that is the foundation of our## constitutional order.
Further, it claims in# essence that because it had rid itself of## custody that there is nothing that can be done.# This should be shocking not only to judges but to## the intuitive sense of liberty that Americans# far removed from courthouses still hold dear.
Peter, that the judges are pushing back.
I mean,## maybe other people aren't.
But contrast# this -- contrast what's going on in the## judiciary with what's going on in# the Republican side of the Senate.
PETER BAKER: Yes.
In fact, what's really# fascinating about the Abrego Garcia case is that## every judge who has heard this from the district# court all the way to the Supreme Court, liberal## and conservative, has had the exact same response.# I mean, there's some semantic differences in some## of their rulings, but basically they're saying,# you, the government admit you screwed up and## violated the law by sending this man to El# Salvador, even though there was an order## saying you shouldn't do it, therefore, you# have responsibility to do something about it.
And then Trump is basically saying# is, no, I really don't.
You know,## I got nothing to do with this.
Even though I# have the president of El Salvador sitting next## to me in the Oval Office, I have no idea# how I could possibly convince the guy -- LAURA BARRON-LOPEZ: And instead,## now they're launching essent.. Now, look, do we know if he has ties to MS-13 or# not?
They haven't presented new evidence.
They're## basing it on police reports from 2019 that did# not charge him with any crime and a subsequent## 2022 interaction with police where he was also,# again, not charged with any crime.
But Judge## Wilkinson says this also in that opinion.# He says is he a member of MS-13?
Perhaps,## perhaps not.
But if the government is so# confident in their case, then they need to## bring it to the court of law and bring him back.
EUGENE DANIELS: And bring him back and so that## he can go through the due process.
That's# the whole point of due process is you go## through all of the points that you need# to, the government and then the defense## come together.
They go back and forth, and# then we figure out what actually happened## and whether or not someone is a member# of this gang or that gang or whatever.
MARK LEIBOVICH: #Well, but also the essence# of this, and I'm pretty -- I'd be shocked## if this wasn't part of Donald Trump and# the White House's calculation.
is that## the judiciary ultimately doesn't have# an army at their disposal.
They don't## have any way to enforce, you know, their# positions.
I mean, they can, you know,## launch contempt proceedings and so forth.# But, ultimately, you know, they see this as## sort of an argument that will play out in# a political spectacle that could benefit.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Let me go to this larger point,## and let's start by -- I want to show you# something that Judge Wilkinson said 12## years ago speaking at Duke University.
I want# to show you that very interesting moment.
And## then I want to go to Donald Trump talking# about judges.
Let's play Wilkinson first.
JUDGE J. HARVIE WILKINSON III, Fourth Circuit# Court of Appeals: When the tyrants of the## 20th century, these monsters, like Hitler and# Stalin and Mao, wanted to take over a society,## chief among their targets is the rule of law.# They don't want independent courts.
And, you know,## this is a sacred trust that we have here and there# ought to be a reverence for the law as the law.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #And now let's watch# Donald Trump this week talking about## judges as annoyances or impediments.
DONALD TRUMP, U.S. President: I was# elected to get rid of those criminals,## to get them out of our country or to# put them away, but to get them out of## our country.
And I don't see how judges can# take that authority away from a president.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #So, the# million dollar question is,## have we reached an emergency# that you are alluding to?
MARK LEIBOVICH: Well, you know, is# this a constitutional crisis?
I mean,## to use the word -- I mean,# it seems like it, I mean,## along with other things that could# be getting into the neighborhood.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #But isn't it only# a constitutional crisis if the White## House says, yes, we've read your# ruling and we're not following it?
MARK LEIBOVICH: Sure.
PETER BAKER: It's pretty close.. JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #How close?
PETER BAKER: The.. that they are in keeping with the Supreme# Court's ruling as they interpret it.
Now,## it's a pretty strained interpretation because# the Supreme Court says, you shall facilitate the## return of him.
Well, we're facilitating.# If he happens to show up on our border,## we'll let him in.
It's a spurious argument, most# lawyers would say, but they're not saying that## they're disobeying the whole court.
They may come# to that point next though, well, four years again.
MARK LEIBOVICH: Well, I sort of wonder if# at some point Justice Roberts or the court,## you know, en masse makes some kind of very# succinct statement about their position here,## not open to interpretation and# just sort of take it from there.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #You mean bring him# back and put him through the process?
LAURA BARRON-LOPEZ: I mean, the Supreme# Court made pretty clear that the action## that the administration took was against the law# to deport all of these people without due process.## It's against even the Alien Enemies Act, which is# what they use to deport them.
And so, you know,## there are many constitutional scholars who already# say that we're in a separation of powers crisis,## a rule of law crisis.
I mean, Judge Wilkinson# himself in that opinion said that maybe he's## naive.
He used the word naive to believe or have# hope that the president will -- and that the## executive branch will respect the rule of law and# understand that it is vital to America.
So, he's## already saying that he believes that the country,# if it isn't, is on the precipice of a crisis.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Is there a chance that# Justice Roberts and the Supreme Court are## not writing it so clearly because they# don't want to know what might happen?## There's a little Murkowski quality maybe# here.
Maybe they don't want to find out.
EUGENE DANIELS: Well, because the way that Donald# Trump and his team works is they want -- if you## need them to do something, you have to say# it, right?
You can't kind of wink a nod at## it.
You can't do the gray area like you've done# in the past with other presidents who say they## respect the rule of law and are going to do what# the Supreme Court says or do what a district## court says.
This is a group of people who, if# you don't make it black and white, they're not## going to do it.
And that's what's happening when# you're talking about their interpretation of it.
They also believe in the unitary executive# theory that they have more power than other## presidents have both exercised and# believe that they've had in the past.
PETER BAKER: And I think for the, to# your point, and what Mark's point is,## these judges are wary of the conflict.# They're really.
Being careful trying not## to provoke a situation where they are basically# ignored.
Because what is the credibility of the## courts, well then it happens .You saw Judge# Boasberg, for instance, says, I'm going to## have a hearing on whether you've committed# contempt in this other case, for instance.
It's pretty clear they did.
It seems like# you could make -- most judge would've said## you are in contempt, period.
He's trying to say,## I'm giving you a chance, nut tell me# how you're not, and we get out of this.
EUGENE DANIELS: It's like# talking to a kid or a puppy.
PETER BAKER: Like he's trying to sa.. don't push me, don't push me.
But .. JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #I have# to ask the question then,## what happens the day after they# actively ignore a clearly written order?
EUGENE DANIELS: We're in a constitutional# crisis and then nothing happened?
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Yes.
What happened?
EUGENE DANIELS: There's no army.
The -- LAURA BARRON-LOPEZ: Well, they# would be found in contempt,## potentially criminal contempt.
But to# your point earlier, they don't come -- (CROSSTALKS) MARK LEIBOVICH: Right, no.
But then I# guess .. version of the Boasberg statement, you# know, sort of go up the ladder.
I mean,## I guess they can probably threaten contempt and# maybe future disbarment or lawyers who work on## this case and the government.
I don't# know.
I'm just sort of throwing that.
LAURA BARRON-LOPEZ: You can also level# financial penalties against specific## government officials if the judges are able to# figure out which government officials violated## their order.
And you see that Boasberg is# kind of heading down that path right now.
But, again, yes, Justice Department# in many of these situations would be## in charge of enforcing any of the judge's orders.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Right.
I I'm trying to deduce# what the Supreme Court is doing and might do,## but let me -- you all cover the White House.
Does# this White House want an open confrontation with## the Supreme Court where that question is put# on the table in front of a million people?
MARK LEIBOVICH: I don't think the Supreme# Court would engage in such a thing,## or at least in a way that would be -- I don't# know -- that would be obvious or that would## actually put them in Congress.
I# mean, I disagree a little bit -- JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Does Donald Trump want# a confrontation with the Supreme Court?
MARK LEIBOVICH: He probably doesn't,## I would guess, partly because# he sees them maybe as an ally.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #What are# they telling you inside?
LAURA BARRON-LOPEZ: I think they do want a# confrontation or t.. to be brought fully to the Supreme Court,# whether it's birthright citizenship,## which we're seeing the Supreme Court deciding# that they're going to take up, or, you know,## they want to reverse the Impoundment Act,# which makes it so the president can claw## back a bunch of money when he decides I# don't want to spend federal funds.
I think## they want those confrontations because# they're hopeful, maybe not that they'll## clash with the Supreme Court, but that the# Supreme Court will rule in their favor.
PETER BAKER: I think they want to confront,# particularly on this immigration case,## for instance, because they think it's a political# winner, right?
They could have made this go away.## They could have brought the guy back from El# Salvador and still deported him under a different## process that would've been seen as legal by the# courts, presumably.
But they didn't do that.## Why did they not do that?
Because they like the# idea of saying, you guys are defending rule of## law.
You're defending bad guys who are members# of gangs and thugs and all that kind of stuff, JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Right.
Two more issues# I want to get to.
On the first, Eugene,## sorry, but you're the head of the press in# America.
You're the president of the White## House Correspondents' Association.
We're# not going to talk about the White House## correspondents' dinner, but you are one of the# people leading the charge to make sure that## the press has autonomy and freedom to cover# the White House.
What's the state of play?
EUGENE DANIELS: I think the# state of play is not great,## if I'm going to be honest.
I'm going to# be like Lisa Murkowski be honest here.## Part of the reason is because you have in the# White House folks who believe that the people## who are doing the governing should also# pick who are, who's covering them, right?
In the past, even during his first term, Donald# Trump believed that, or at least allowed that## the people doing the covering picked who did# cover, who covered them.
And I think the reason## is because you don't want government officials# to be able to have viewpoint discrimination,## like we've seen with the Associated Press, than# choosing people who are going to bring into the## Oval Office, who are going to ask easy questions,# who aren't going to push them back on that.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #And the press and the White# House going back to the 60s to the television era,## the beginning of the television era,# just accepted that these are the norms.
EUGENE DANIELS: Yes.
And there's always# been tension, right?
Like, you know,## I tussled with the Biden folks on many a phone# calls, right?
That part of it is normal, right,## even with the WHCA and the White House.
The# difference is that the kind of him handedness## of we are going to control this because# and, frankly, lying and saying, you know,## the WHCA has been closed off and hasn't brought# in people.
We have brought in a place that both## of us used to work at, Politico, a digital outlet,# the Daily Caller, right?
Christian Broadcast News,## all these different types of organizations, or# members of the association, good members of the## association, and who have gotten chances to, and# have continued to be in the pools and all of that.
So, we're in a position right now where we are# ready at any time to continue to take over the## pool and do all of that because it's not about# us.
It's to make sure that the American people## have people in the Oval Office who are asking# questions, who are asking easy questions,## who are pushing the president to defend the# things that he wants to do in this country.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Right.
And we will come# back to this because this is going to be## going on and on and on, I'm afraid.
Peter,# one last question for you, I want to stay on## the subject of the Chris Krebs ran digital --# ran for Homeland Security in the Biden period,## an organization that looked at disinformation# campaigns, now is being targeted by the Trump## administration and part of the E.O.
directed# against him, the executive order directed## against him, blamed him, said that one of# the reasons he is unqualified to even hold## a security clearance is that he argues that# Donald Trump lost the 2020 election.
He's had## to now leave his job in the private sector# because of this kind of pressure campaign.
PETER BAKER: Yes.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #What does it mean for the# heal.. PETER BAKER: It says a lot.
Chris Krebs,# of course, worked actually under the Trump## administration, was fired by Trump when# he said at the end of the 2020 election,## there was no evidence that# the election was, in any way,## unfair or rigged.
And you're right, this executive# order, which directly targets him by name,## I've never seen any president ever fought until# this one, sign executive orders targeting people## he did not like by name, saying that Justice# Department should investigate this person.
And you're right to say this Justice# Department should investigate Chris## Krebs because he refuses to accept that the# 2020 election was rigged, on other words,## my version of reality, what the president's# saying, he should be investigated.
In effect,## he's saying it's a crime to say# the 2020 election wasn't rigged.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #So, that's# straight Orwell territory.
PETER BAKER: It's pretty up there.
JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #That we're in.
LAURA BARRON-LOPEZ: It's a time to# tell.. JEFFREY GOLDBERG: #Well, we are# going to have to leave it there.## Thanks to our guests for joining me# and thank you at home for watching us.
Why Republicans in Congress won't stand up to Trump
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'Retaliation is real': Why Republicans in Congress won't stand up to Trump (9m 57s)
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